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i i* 0 

SERMONS, 

ADDRESSED TO THE 

Second Congregational Society in Newbury port, 
Fast-Day, April 6, 1809. 

BY SAMUEL SPRING, D.D. 


LETTER, 

ADDRESSED 


itu 


BY THE REV. SOLOMON AIKEN, A. M. 
Pastor of a Church in Dracutt, 


TO THE 

Rev. Samuel Spring, D.D. 

^Pastor of the Second Congregational Church 
in Newburyport, 

ON THE SUBJECT OF HIS SERMONS, 

Delivered April the 6tk, 1809. 


* , t i. - • - • * 

5i3eto6urgpoit, : 

Printed for Subscribers , 

BY W. &'J. GILMAN, 

». Printers, Booksellers, and Stationers, 

Middle* street.. ..Sept, 1809. 


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TWO SERMONS, 

ADDRESSED 

To the Second Congregational Society in Newbury port , 
Fast-Day, April 6 , 1809.... By Samuel Spring , D. D. 

QOQOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOOOQOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOUOOCPCOOOOOOGQ 

DEDICATION OF THE FIRST EDITION. 

Christian Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

YOUR prompt and generous subscription for the publication 
of these Discourses convinces me, that you are deeply impressed with 
the necessity of continuing wise and able exertions to secure our invalu¬ 
able rights and privileges. As you manifestly approve the object of the 
discourses relating to public measures and the moral state of the union, 
they are, with confidence in your patronage, committed in their plain 
simple dress, hoping they will be useful to your children and others, who 
have not read more instructive publications. And to you, with liberty 
they are respectfully inscribed by your friend and humble servant, 

THE AUTHOR. 

QOQOOQQOQQQQOOQQOOOOOOOOOQOOOQCOOOOQQQOQOOOQOOQOOQOOOOOOOPOQQQOOOOQtOOOOOOQOGOQ 

Ezekiel xxvii. 26. 

“ Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters: the east 
wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas.” 

T HE Prophet was not the subject of passive obedience 
and non-resistance. For God gave him his commis¬ 
sion in these words; “ Now, thou Son of man, take up a la¬ 
mentation for Tyrus” ; and he faithfully executed it, by op¬ 
enly blaming and condemning her rulers for their wrong and 
destructive measures. “Thy rowers have brought thee into 
great waters; the east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the 
seas. ’* The sentiments of the text are expressed in language 
highly metaphorical. The great waters, into which Tyre was 
carried by her pilots or rowers, were great public difficulties and 
perplexities, in winch she w 7 as involved by the folly and base¬ 
ness of her rulers. The term rowers and the phrase great wat¬ 
ers were accommodated to the navigation of early times, when 
the vessels, which were managed by oars, resembled our 
shallow craft, ^id not modern ships of war, which whiten.the 
sea with their canvas and glide over great and deep waters 
with majesty and safety. As Tyre was an island, Which 


4 


commanded the most extensive and profitable commerce, she 
is compared in her sad state with a rich vessel, wrecked by 
the eastern gales, which in those seas proved the most de¬ 
structive to navigation. 

Having now before us the contents of the Prophet’s mes¬ 
sage, stripped of metaphorical dress, I shall enquire whether 
our rulers have not too much resembled the rulers of Tyre. 
For, though we are not yet destroyed as a nation, it will, we 
presume, appear upon careful review and enquiry, that we 
have been brought near the margin of destruction ; and not¬ 
withstanding any national measures, which have been adopt¬ 
ed, yet stand trembling upon it. The event is future and 
we hope it will not be distressing. 

A simple, solemn state of facts, will, we think, best answer 
the reasonable demand of the occasion before a mixed assem¬ 
bly. For the field has been amply explored, and the curtain 
of the national cabinet has been partly drawn, and some of 
the hidden motives of administration developed and exposed 
by our able statesmen, who have merited the thanks of the 
nation. The}' have on the left hand been hated and bitterly 
cursed by their political opposers, because they have told the 
truth, and of course exposed a system of deep intrigue and 
black deceit. 

There are so many wheels within the modern wheel of the 
nation; so many ultimate and subordinate motives attached 
to the chief motive of administration, that it is not easy to give 
a clear, decided view of their system. But it is manifest, that 
ever since the late President returned from the French court 
with his head and heart full of the philosophy of “ the en¬ 
lightened nation,” that he has been devoted to France and 
hostile to England, To account for this, we cannot but re¬ 
mark that he is destitute of martial skill and prowess, that he 
expected France would soon rule the world, and that it would 
be more safe and compatible with the feelings of southern 
men, who must rule the eastern states, and retain their slaves, 
and cannot easily endure much religious connexion, to take 
seasonable shelter under the spreading wing of the French 
Eagle. And to effect all this, France must have money, must 
rise and extend her influence far and wide ; England must 
fall or bow, and the commerce of the eastern states, and the 
consequent strength of New-England must be greatly reduc¬ 
ed. For so long as Old England and New England mutual¬ 
ly support the interest of religion and. commerce, France and 



her American adherents cannot prevail. There was a time, not 
far distant, when the duped influence of the eastern states was 
on the point of going blindly into this awful vortex. Blessed be 
God our eyes are partly opened. We begin to see men as trees 
walking—we must now take care that our vision be not ob¬ 
scured, and that our hands be not palsied, nor our minds dis¬ 
couraged, by the loss of our commerce. For our energy 
and national influence will go with our morals, commerce and 
opulence. “ Money is a defence but “the destruction of 
the poor is their poverty.” 

Leaving the motives of administration to be unfolded by 
time, we will now notice some of the adverse consequences 
of dieir late measures. The reduced state of our flourishing 
commerce may take the lead of the shrouded procession. 
For it is a productive cause of much public affliction and ad¬ 
versity. The partial repeal of the oppressive Embargo, in 
connexion with its substitute, is considered by wise men, 
who ponder the place of their steps, as a mere snare to com¬ 
merce. For, though that empty chest of the nation may de¬ 
rive some needful supply by the measure, it is to be feared 
that young adventurous merchants will unhappily lose their 
property, and the nation be more reduced than ever. If our 
merchants, by the legal deception, lose more than the public 
chest gains, they will have reason to complain of being over¬ 
reached and gulled by administration; and what upright man 
must not blush in such a case for our Legislators ? To plead 
that merchants need not expose their interest in the waters of 
Holland, and other waters equally dubious and dangerous, 
will not excuse those who make danger by law ; and tempt 
men by the vain hope of interest to run full sail into it. Till 
we have ample evidence that our rulers have quitted the ser¬ 
vile project of aiding France by oppressing our commerce, 
we cannot consider any of their measures friendly to it, and 
consequently entertain more fear than hope relative to the 
partial repeal of the Embargo. If they have not suppressed 
commerce to aid France, and if they now desire the prosper¬ 
ity of eastern commerce upon friendly, patriotic principles, 
they would openly encourage it, and not embarrass it by any 
legal snare. 

Making then no abatement of cur calamity by the partial 
repeal of the Embargo, since we arc embarrassed with its 
substitute, let me say, when we attend to the vast extent of 
our sea-coast in connexion with "the depth of the adjacent 


G 


country, which God manifestly made to employ a commer¬ 
cial, active people; when we also review the dismantled, de¬ 
caying state of our shipping ; the wasting produce of our fer¬ 
tile lands lying in the barns of farmers and stores of merchants, 
without any prospect of market, w^e cannot but feel deeply 
affected with the depressed state of our commerce. For if 
our rulers had not been wedded to France and hostile to 
England, without reason, we might have been constantly em¬ 
ployed in exporting and importing the riches of the world to 
great advantage. The original design of the British orders 
of Council, as w^ell as other public documents sufficiently au¬ 
thorize this position. . Our commerce received a mortal 
wound, because the great Emperor does not wish it to live. 
He approves the Embargo acts, because he or his handy 
agent dictated them, and expects national advantage. The 
present wretched state of New-England’s interest is the very 
object at which our rulers aimed. They have thus far hit 
the mark. We were dormant long enough ; and suffered 
them to advance very far in the devious course. 

Another, though a mere consequence of the former evil, is 
national poverty, which begins to stare us in the face, and en¬ 
ter many of our habitations. What, alas ! is the present state 
of our National Treasury—what are its prospects compared 
with what they were at the close of the federal administration ? 
We have been told in a flattering, specious manner, by a great 
man , that there w r as a surplus of money in the treasury, w hich 
might be expended in repairing roads and educating youth— 
not we presume in religion. But the fact is this, that with¬ 
out a dry tax, which the people will not endure, the govern¬ 
ment cannot long be supported with national dignity. We 
are still much in debt as a nation, and as things are now 
managed, must plunge deeper and deeper into debt to dis¬ 
charge debt. Surely our rowers have brought us into deep 
waters indeed, where we must soon founder without th? aid 
of able pilots. The French Legions have not yet crossed the 
ocean : though I believe the late President expected to realize 
their assistance before the expiration cf his eight years resi¬ 
dence in the capital. We have one of their Generals only 
with us : but no Prefect, as yet, in official form. 

Passing the impoverished state of the nation, what is the 
condition of thousands of families and millions cf individuals, 
w ho but lately were in comfortable circumstances ! The hand 
cf poverty has, I am informed, struck eff one hundred men 



7 


mj 


. nm this town’s list who were legal voters Jast year. How 
afflictive to them and their dear depressed families ! This is 
hfu the beginning of the new and gloomy series. Many who 
i )we money cannot pay it at any rate: and others are so pressed, 
:hat they discharge their debts under every disadvantage to 
4 heir scanty property. Amid the multitude of creditors but 
few can get their property and many are obliged to lose it 
wholly. This however is but a mere specimen of our de¬ 
clining state. The total amount of our loss is incalculable. 
There is another class of men, who in prosperous times, by 
their labor, were able to obtain a comfortable support, but 
are now the real objects of charity. I need not mention the 
number of this description in our sea-port and other sea-ports 
in the vicinity, nor the various beneficent measures, truly af¬ 
fecting, which have been devised in different places to repel 
hunger and afford daily relief and support. It is more bless¬ 
ed to give than to receive. Let their benefactors then con- 
inue to reap the superior advantage of their needful and wise¬ 
ly appropriated liberality. For affluence is of no value except 
in use. The rust of riches will not answer at death and the 
great day, except as irresistible evidence against unfaithful 
stewards of God’s property. While God supplies us, let us 
supply his poor, who have the memorial from his mercy. 
Added to the public expense, which has been necessary to 
prevent the pressing distress of thousands and thousands of 
the reduced inhabitants ; who among us can estimate the real 
loss which we sustain, by the numerous legal meetings and 
conventions of the people, which have proved absolutely re¬ 
quisite to put a check, at least to the daring strides of adminis¬ 
tration in coincidence with the dominant views ofFrance? For, 
though our Federal Representatives on the floor of Congress 
have done all that men could do by argument and address, 
we know, that if the people were not active and resolute, with 
great loss of time and interest, that we should now be awed, 
broken down and crushed by those troops of administration 
which were designed to enforce the embargo acts to the ex¬ 
tent. It was the seasonable exertion of the people, which 
prevented the raising and organization of those armies, which 
were intended to still us by the sword and the loss of blood. 
Blessed be God, we do not see them and were they now or¬ 
ganized they could not be quartered in New England. We 
have no room for their tents. The land will not hold them. 

I review the debility of administration to execute thatenslav- 



-a 


mg merciless purpose by the dread of arms, with thanks to 
God for rousing the spirit of the people, by the necessary 
though expensive measures, which were adopted by the peo¬ 
ple. If we had slept much longer France arid administration 
would now smile and triumph over us in a haughty style. 
For we must believe that they intended to take away our 
strength by depriving us of our interest and depressing our 
spirits* But they are sadly disappointed for the present ; 
because there is not, in consequence of the spirit of the peo¬ 
ple, who begin to open their eyes, sufficient national influence 
to execute those numerous, unfeeling, arbitrary acts* These 
petty armed vessels must go into the dignified retirement of 
the dry dock ; for they never were calculated for national de¬ 
fence, and we fear were originally designed to embarrass our 
commerce and compel our submission, among other meas¬ 
ures, to the will of France, 

Further, the naked defenceless state of the nation is con¬ 
sidered by wise men another instance of adversity which calls 
for lamentation* Those little shallow vessels, though built 
at great expense, we do not need any more than the distress¬ 
ing embargo ; for they cannot even defend our rivers and 
harbours against a foreign enemy. But we need ships of war, 
and able, manly frigates. If we do not respect and arm our¬ 
selves like a nation of honor, how can we expect to be re¬ 
spected by potent nations ? If we strip ourselves of influence, 
what nation will stop to clothe us ? . We have a small land 
army ; but under the command of a General that the people 
will not trust a moment* We have a militia of great strength, 
but if this President , though I will yet hope better things, 
embrace the motives of his predecessor in the appointment of 
officers, the patriotic soldiers of New England and the other 
states, will not follow them, and cannot be compelled. They 
love their wives and children and parents. Public confidence 
in administration is on the wing ; and what can be harmoni¬ 
ously effected without it against our enemies ? 

We have no naval force which does honor to the nation* 
Upon the water we are defenceless. But if a small portion 
of the interest we have lost, by the saving embargo, could be 
appropriated to the construction of a navy, we should be safe 
in our own waters, strong at sea, and respected by the nations. 
But now, for aught any provisions made for us by adminis¬ 
tration, we must, instead of that dignified retirement so much 
celebrated and anticipated; be compelled to remain, we can- 





not tell how long, in a state of national indignity, sheer dis¬ 
grace and intolerable contempt. Britain pities* us, because 
she is too elevated and condescending to blame us. For she 
knows while we deprive ourselves of rich commerce, to grat¬ 
ify Napolean, by rejecting her offers, that a few battle ships 
might easily batter down and demolish our sea-ports and o- 
blige us to fly to the mountains and back woods for safety. 
But she will not do it : It is not for her interest ; nor is it 
for our interest to provoke her much more, unless it be best 
to destroy ourselves by becoming tributary to France, like 
the nations of Europe, who must drag out their days in slav¬ 
ery and sorrow and oppression. How lamentable, how piti¬ 
ful and disgraceful our national prostration ! If the departed 
spirit of Washington be permitted to visit us, he laments the 
hard calamity of Federalists, and returns, hoping that in the 
revolving state of sublunary things, we shall see better times. 
He knew Virginia, and gave us needful counsel, in what man¬ 
ner to escape approaching danger and national ruin. Oar 
adverse condition, in being destitute of naval force, seeing we 
are designed by providence for a commercial people, is at¬ 
tended with peculiar aggravations. For previous to the em- 
bargO“I choose rather to say, previously to the impoverish¬ 
ing efFects of the measures of administration, we were able to 
furnish and man a navy with facility. But public measures, 
in the course of eight years, have deprived us of a vast por¬ 
tion of our interest, probably, if good judges who have im¬ 
partially attended to the subject, are correct, to the amount of 
tivo hundred millions of dollars We have also lost many 
able seamen, who to prevent begging and starving, have ship¬ 
ped themselves on board foreign vessels and left the country. 
This is a heavy loss, whether they were naturalized, or Amer¬ 
icans by birth. I am sensible that this instance of our adver¬ 
sity, like all others occasioned by the embargo, affects the 
hearts of mad DemocratsYike the adversity of the Spanish pa¬ 
triots. For the embargo was designed to prove a distressing 
rather than a saving, salutary measure. Those who put it on 
meant to keep it on, and without pity in their hearts or a tear 
in their eyes, did all they could to make the yoke more and 
more heavy and grievous by additional weights, till they were 

* Those who are alarmed at the sum, are desired to take a candid re¬ 
view of facts, and calculate for their own satisfaction, and excuse us if we 
have either exceeded o: not reached the correct mark of loss without gain, 

B 




a() 


absolutely forced to desist; and even then devised a different 
mode of operation to effect their original purpose, as we have' 
much reason to fear. For the wisdom of the British Cabinet 
does not invest every master of a ship. Some commanders 
are rash men, who will offend. The temptation put in the 
way of indiscreet captains to kindle the flame of war between 
us and England, is greater than many people apprehend, if 
not too subtle to be administered by our administration. To- 
avoid it, I hope our active men will not venture very far in 
the dark. 

Though the national and political evils produced by the late 
measures of administration are great and oppressive, yet there 
is another evil more to be dreaded and deprecated than all the 
rest we have mentioned, or can be mentioned by men whose 
minds are better informed. It is infinitely more dangerous. 

I mean that demoralizing,, deranging influence, which so much 
prevails, and like quick poison, pervades and seizes the vitals 
of the community. We need not be at great pains to sup¬ 
port this position. The evidence presses upon us like the 

light of mid day. We know, that there is no rational motive 
to sin, ; and that no reason can be assigned for it in any cir¬ 
cumstances whatever ; yet one person is capable of leading 
another into that scene of temptation, which will prove fatal 
to his morals and his soul. Napolean, no more than Balak 
in the instance of Israel, was able to subdue America by his 
first measures, though the promised reward was flattering 
yet by a method not very diverse from what was practised by 
Balaam, the servile instrument of the king of Moab, the Em¬ 
peror lias been strangely successful. We notice it on this 
day of humiliation, for a lamentation, that the morals of the 
people have been corrupted by public measures. The em¬ 
bargo laws have neither met the correct, enlightened dictates 
of conscience nor the constitution of the land. They inter¬ 
fere and shamefully clash with the general bond of union and 
with the guaranteed rights of individual states, and even in 
some sacred instances with common law. To adduce evi¬ 
dence of this, after the able address, remonstrance and memo¬ 
rial of-our Legislature, is needless. Lamentable and obvious 
facts are these, that the termination of commerce with foreign 
nations, so unjust in its nature, so impolitic and distressing in 
its effects and operation, considering our circumstances and 
the embarrassed condition of necessary trade between one 
state and another, disaffected and enraged the merchants, put 



11 


a period to industry in our sea-ports, and reduced former la¬ 
borers to a state of inevitable inactivity. Idleness was the 
eonsquencc. Vices of various complexions succeeded of 
course to the great disadvantage of individuals, families and 
the community. For idleness is the fruitful mother of wick¬ 
ed customs and habits, which are so destructive to the best in¬ 
terest of men. Satan always takes his stand in the midst of 
the circle of human displeasure and idleness, and manages it 
to the injury of souls. It is his field of action. 

There is another humiliating attitude of much iniquity oc¬ 
casioned by the system under review, We mean that deceit 
and dishonesty which are induced and indulged under uncon- 
•stitutional acts and arbitrary laws, relating to toll, customs 
and revenue. For by the habit of evading arbitrary laws to 
save excise money, it becomes easy for many persons to qual¬ 
ify their consciences to evade righteous laws, who before such 
poisonous habits, would have trembled at the thought of de¬ 
frauding the public chest. Arbitrary, unconstitutional acts 
we mark with emphasis , because they are direct temptations 
to iniquity. Men are naturally prone to sin, when there is no 
direct motive of advantage before them : but when they can 
blindly believe, as Adam did before he eat the apple, that 
there is interest to be secured without pains or by the least 
pains, they will attend. Righteous laws are in danger of be¬ 
ing violated by the side of unrighteous ones, which men will 
disregard. To multiply even just rules beyond necessity is 
not wise, lest some of them be neglected, and a habit be for¬ 
med to neglect others. Wise parents and wise rulers arc, 
therefore, careful not to make even too many good rules. 
Surely, then, it must be unsafe indeed for rulers to multiply 
unjust laws, lest they induce their subjects to violate laws 
which ought to be obeyed, in consequence of being in the 
habit of disregarding those that ought not to be obeyed. It 
is dangerous even to pass the Rubicon of injustice established 
by law : for by doing this men learn to pass the Rubicon of jus¬ 
tice. The way to ruin is broad and easy and full of the tempta¬ 
tions of the moment. We should leave temptation at first sight, 
before we touch it, and it will never injure us any more than it 
did Joseph, Daniel and his three brethren at Babylon. In a 
word, while our rulers evidently mean to deprive Federalists, 
who are certainly the most valuable members of society, on 
many accounts, of any leading influence in national govern¬ 
ment ; while they mean to deprive the eastern states of energy 



12 


by destroying their commerce, without which they cannot 
subsist, with a common share of comfort ; while they make 
laws which are hostile to the Federal constitution and the con¬ 
stitution of individual states, to gender idleness, dishonesty, 
slander and falsehood without limits; while they do not expel 
duellists from the floor of Congress; while they approve 
horse-racing and other dissipated practices injurious to the 
cause of religion; and while they pay little or no respect to the 
Sabbath, or the divine inspiration of the scriptures, have we 
not much reason to make a deep lamentation for the moral 
state of the land ? Alas I alas ! America, what is thy moral 
state compared with what it was before the revolution ? What 
compared with the religious state introduced and supported 
by our lore-fathers ? How art thou fallen! 

To make subjects moral, honest and upright, rulers must 
impress their consciences by righteous laws and exemplary 
conduct. For as is the fountain so will be the streams. As is 
the tree, so will be the branches and the fruit. In vain do we 
look for union and harmony, either of a civil or moral nature, 
while our rulers are fired with ambition and swayed by base 
partiality. The moral father of his subjects is the ruler approv¬ 
ed by God, and admired by all good men. Their love is his 
authority. Their delight in his excellent qualities is his scep¬ 
tre. They obey because they cannot endure the thought of 
offending him. “ O Telemachus,” said Mentor the sage, 
who was teaching him to be a good ruler, “fear God; this fear 
is the greatest treasure of the human heart; it comes attended 
by wisdom, justice, peace, joy, unmixed pleasures, real lib¬ 
erty, delightful abundance and spotless glory.’? 

Lord, if national sins and abominations do not ex¬ 
ceed the limits of thy gracious determination respecting the 
United States, let our administration be oyer under the 
guidance of such a spirit. “He that ruleth over men must 
be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the 
light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morn¬ 
ing without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of 
the earth, by clear shining after rain.” Rulers of this de¬ 
scription are not a terror to good works but to the evil ; 
not a curse but a rich blessing to the people. Their mem¬ 
ory will be embalmed by immortalit]'. 

[The Division of Service.] 



13 


IN the morning discourse, we attended to the gloomy 
state of our country, both }n a political and moral view, pro¬ 
duced directly by the partial, incorrect measures of adminis¬ 
tration. But since our rulers and their political associates are 
not the only offending members of the community, we must 
impartially view both Federalists and Democrats in one col¬ 
lected mass, and ascertain in what attitude we stand as a na¬ 
tion before God the author of our past prosperity and present 
adversity. “ For thus saith the Lord, 1 form the light and 
create darkness, I make peaee and create evil. I the Lord 
do all these things. Shall a trumpet be blown in the city and 
the people not be afraid ? Shall there be evil in the city and 
the Lord hath not done it?” The nation is manifestly in cir¬ 
cumstances of adversity, and we are sure that the Lord is the 
author of it because we have sinned against him as a nation. 
For God is as just in afflicting public bodies as individuals. 
But he is as merciful as he is just. And “ therefore now 
also saith the Lord, turn ye even to me with all your heart, 
and with fasting and with weeping and with mourning, and 
rend your heart and not your garments, and turn unto the 
Lord your God : for he is gracious and merciful, slow to an¬ 
ger and of great kindness, and repenteth him of the evih 
Who knoweth if he will return and leave a blessing behind 
him— ? Gather the people, sanctify the congregation—Let 
the priests the ministers of the Lord, weep between the porch 
and the altar; and let them say, spare thy people, O Lord, 
and give not thy heritage to reproach that the heathen should 
rule over them ? Wherefore should they say among the peo¬ 
ple where is their God?” But from this general review of 
the duties of the clay we must attend to several particulars. 
And 

1. Is it not manifest from our present condition as a nation, 
what we were while under a federal administration, a most 
prosperous nation as to our agricultural aud commercial in¬ 
terest ? We ought not to infer this unless we have evidence 
to support it. But we ask, when did we as a nation obtain 
the opulence, the vast share of opulence, which we now pos¬ 
sess, and the millions v/e have lost by our ruling attachment 
to France and hostility to England ? The answer is this, the 
currents of wealth, which have flowed so plentifully in our fa¬ 
vor, begun while the government was administered by Wash¬ 
ington and Adams, notwithstanding they laboured under many 



14 


embarrassments to open them and keep them open. For no 
sooner were we crowned with independence, than the potent, 
envious nations, knowing our advantages to rise, attempted to 
take away the lustre of our crown, and to leave it naked and 
bare. But the unremitted exertions of those political Fathers 
of our country, while supported by able statesmen, in oppo¬ 
sition to a growing faction, the numerous avenues of com¬ 
merce were kept open and our opulence increased in a sur¬ 
prizing manner, till the late administration took the advantage 
and disposal of it into their own hands. When the late Presi¬ 
dent came into office, the revenue was ample and the avenues 
opened by his predecessors were calculated to continue and 
increase it. Washington and Adams were the planters and 
sowers : but President Jefferson was the reaper. Administra¬ 
tion have gathered the rich harvest. And where is it ? Millions 
have gone one way and millions have gone another way "and 
thousands another and hundreds another, if the sum be not too 
inconsiderable to be distinctly named, till we are like a naked 
tree stripped of her leaves and fruit by the frost; and are left 
destitute of national defence and now lie at the mercy of the 
potent nations. What they will do with us we cannot tell. For 
while we ought to be rich and powerful on the land and water, 
we are defenceless. And added to this complicated evil, we 
are like a contentious house divided against itself, which can¬ 
not stand. But why all this national evil ? Has the Jeffersonian 
faction alone done all this ? Have France and her American 
adherents effected this great evil, exclusively of the conduct 
of the other part of the nation ? By no means: F or God is just. 
And though this is not a state of strict and final retribution, 
yet it is according to the analogy of his dispensations to afflict 
and punish nations for national sins. The sacred history con¬ 
tains numerous instances of the nature. The Jews, to men¬ 
tion no other nation, who have long smarted for an admoni¬ 
tion to others, under the divine displeasure, are now in their 
present dispersion over the face of the earth, God’s living 
witnesses. Hence * 

2. We remark that the Americans for years past have man¬ 
ifestly been a nation of sinners with but few exceptions. For 
if our peerless prosperity had been noticed by national grati¬ 
tude and humility, instead of having elated us in an extrava¬ 
gant manner, and been prostituted to the destructive purpose 
of dissipation, we could not in so short a time have been 
plunged, by a few factious, and partial men, into the gulph of 



danger. Individuals in the midst of a nation, can effect no re* 
volution, unless they avail themselves of the influence of the 
public by some concurrent means put into their hands. Great 
national changes cannot be effected without great national in¬ 
fluence. Anti if this nation had not been devoted to riches, 
and intoxicated with prosperity, if we had not fostered the spir¬ 
it of shew and parade, the sad monuments of which are now 
seen all over the country ; if we had not been asleep as to the 
rectitude and abilities of men deputed to act as national legis¬ 
lators ; if we had not, both directly and indirectly, concurred 
as towns and districts with the southern spirit, what could that 
faction have effected which has taken the lead of the nation ? 
The rowers who have brought us into these great waters of 
national adversity, are the very men we as a nation have chosen 
to be our pilots. It requires no stretch of thought and reflec¬ 
tion to see by what means or by what neglect of means we 
are now in this reduced state as a nation. We have sinned 
against God by misimproving our invaluable advantages of a 
civil nature. A great price has been put into our hands, but 
we have had no heart to improve it. We have lost our advan¬ 
tages by neglect. If we had seasonably taken care of our po¬ 
litical ground and sow r ed it with proper seed, with wheat in¬ 
stead of tares and thistles, we might now be blessed with the 
prospect of a rich harvest We are then now called to reflect 
on our wicked course of conduct as a nation, which has been 
the productive source of our adversity. For if we had been 
correct in a civil, political view only, if we had externally used 
and not abused our precious, inestimable favors, the rectitude 
of providence must have prevented these evils, which we now 
bitterly experience. For means and ends are connected. 
Providence is correct; God is just and righteous. It is the 
diligent hand that maketh rich, while idleness will originate 
want and distress. We ourselves have been the effective in¬ 
struments of our trouble. For who is he that will harm us if 
we be followers of that which is good? But alas! we have 
not only been political sinners, without whom the federal gov¬ 
ernment could not be pulled down, but we have been great 
sinners against God, the author of all our mercies. We have 
disregarded his precepts, we have violated his laws, we have 
slighted his Sabbath and ordinances, we have as a nation for¬ 
saken God who made us, and lightly esteemed the rock of our 
salvation. Self-gratification has been the object, and the de¬ 
gradation of the nation. I a\n no advocate, you know, for the 



16 


late oppressive and destructive measures of administration ; 
and sureiy we can none of us advocate the conduct of the na¬ 
tion which has formed and so long supported such an admin¬ 
istration. While w r e impeacli those political offenders at the 
head of the nation, let us not pass silently by the body of the 
nation, which supports the head, nor pass by any of the mem¬ 
bers. For in vain do we suppose that the rulers of the people 
have brought these intolerable evils Upon us without the com 
curring influence of their constituents. And in vain do we try 
to forget that God, the righteous governor of the universe, is 
not so ordering things in his providence, that the nation shall 
drink of the bitter national cup, which she has mingled. We 
are now reaping the real fruits of Our national folly and wick¬ 
edness. God who holds the balance of universal rectitude, in 
his hand, is now looking down upon us with displeasure and 
giving us in judgment a specimen of his wrath for our national 
sins. I will not say that some men do not deserve more than 
others ; they undoubtedly do ; and they, without seasonable 
repentance, will have their dreadful portion. But we none of 
us suffer so much as w e deserve : nay, if the individuals, who 
Compose the nation, w^ere now to be treated according to de¬ 
sert, each one of us must be instantly separated from all nat¬ 
ural, civil and moral advantages, and plunged into the pit of 
endless destruction. Our being so ripe for national ruin, as 
must be confessed according to the stubborn facts of the day, 
is full evidence that our national abominations have been very 
great indeed. But a few months since, administration expect¬ 
ed, that by this time the people must be in a state of entire 
submission to their oppressive laws*.And it is wonderful, 
seeing their measures have been so long dominant and suc¬ 
cessful, that they have not finally succeeded. How r sinful then 
must have been the people, for God to suffer the nation to 
stand tottering on the verge of destruction ! And how merci¬ 
ful to give us a little respite 1 How inexpressibly gracious to 
spare us longer and give us a space for repentance ! What 
would be our condition, were we now at w r ar with Britain and 
subjected to France ! O children and posterity ! we cannot 
but weep when we remember that we had almost left you 
slaves and ruined you by our sins. Think of it a moment, 
what would be the state of the church, if the nation were now 
actually under the direction of that butchering Emperor, who 
is ready to soak the earth with the blood of half the human 
race, rather than not subdue and rule the rest. His ambition 



17 


has no limits under the sun. Men are of no value in his view, 
while thirsting for empire, but to be ruled by his arm, or to 
be cut off by millions and millions to give him the palm of 
universal victory. Do you believe it, my hearers, that our ad- 
ministration have pledged their love, their confidence and ex¬ 
ertions to such a bloody monster ? Do you believe, whatever 
be the case now, that the nation was lately on the point of go¬ 
ing directly into his hands, whose tender mercies are cruel ? 
Do you also believe that God has been so angry with the na¬ 
tion, that he was about to make that emissary of darkness the 
dreadful instrument in his hand to punish the rulers and the 
people for their sins committed against his sacred majesty ? 
You need not disbelieve* An affirmative answer wc presume 
must be correct, however humiliating. Hence 

3. Nothing less than our deep humiliation, genuine sorrow 
and repentance of sin, will correspond with the obligation of 
the day. The spiritual and temporal benefits and mercies, 
which God has conferred upon us, are innumerable like the 
sands, and they are great beyond our estimation. They are 
precious, because nothing less precious than the blood of Jesus 
which speaketh better things than the blood of Abel, procured 
them. Considering our national blessings, we especially ought 
to be that people whose God is the Lord. For no nation un¬ 
der heaven, since the revolution, has been so peculiarly favor¬ 
ed as this nation. But we are guilty, very guilty for misim- 
provement of God’s mercies. No one has leave to say, I am 
not the guilty person. No one is excepted. The sin of the 
nation in this connexion is not divisible : it cannot be divided. 
The whole collective weight of guilt lies, as it were, upon each 
individual. It is enough to sink us down to the lowest pit. 
But the mercy of God continues. We have still liberty to 
make our peace with him....What shall be done? We must 
be humble. We must feel our own littleness as creatures; 
and entertain just, though they will be inadequate, views of 
God’s greatness and goodness. We must like worms of the 
earth lie prostrate before him and love to see him upon the 
throne of universal dominion. For angels and men, heaven 
and earth, and the whole universe are safe in his hand. No 
place better becomes man than the dust. There he may shine 
and there he does shine, if humble, like a jewel of peculiar 
brightness. Let me repeat it; there he must lie this day. 

We must also mourn our sins, we must feel that sorrow on 
account of our transgressions, which is answerable to their de- 
C 



LETTER 

Addressed by the Rev* Solomon Aiken, A.M. pastor of a 
Church in Dracutt , to the Rev. Samuel Spring, 7). D. 
pastor of the 27 Congregational Church hi jYewbu/yport, 
on the subject of his Sermons , delivered April 6//z, 1809- 


JtLvER fmee I have had the honor of a fmall pcrfonal acquaint¬ 
ance with yourfelf, I have imbibed fentiments of high efteem and refpeCt 
for you. I have been pleafed and edified w r ith your theological writings; 
with their logic, coolnefs and candour. I have lately been indulged With 
reading your Sermons delivered on the fixth of April laft, which were 
kindly handed to me by a gentleman of this town, of your political opin¬ 
ions. I have endeavored to perufe them with candour and impartiality ; 
but I was difappointed beyond meafure. I found not in them, your logic, 
perfpicuity, coolnefs or candour; but aftertions made infinitely interefting 
to our well being as a Nation, without a fhadow of proof or argument to 
lupport them. You muft befenfible fir* that very few in our nation have 
acquired that degree of public confideration, as to gain general credence 
from their bare affertion upon any agitated political queftion. I have 
not forgotten that you obferve in page 4th, that “ a fimple, folemn ftate- 
ment of fads, will, we think, beft anfwer the reafonable demands of the 
occafion, before a mixed affembly.” There is no doubt fir, but fome rea- 
fons or corroborative obfervations fliould have been highly pleafmg to 
your “mixed affembly,” for we preach to rational beings, who ought to 
be governed by their own underftandings ; and it is our duty to endeav¬ 
or to enlighten them. However it may have been with refpeCt to your 
mixed assembly ; you muft remember that your Sermons have overleaped 
its bounds by your permiffion; and have come abroad in view of the 
public, unclothed, naked and deftitute of fupport by reafon or argument. 
Your Sermons boldly affert the higheft treafonable conduit in our late 
federal adminiftration ; and that, on the molt deliberate, defigning, crim¬ 
inal ground. I have for many years been a fpectator of party rant, and 
inflammatory newfpaper declamation ; proceeding as I verily believed, 
from unprincipled pens, and vitiated Editors ; who difregarded their re- 
fponfibdity; thefe I have regarded as fuch, and they have not called my 
pen from its profeffion. But your Sermons, from a gentleman of your 
information, of your refponfiblenefs, of your refpeCt, and fame in the 
Churches of Chrift, aftonifh me beyond any political publication I have 
ever feen ; I do not fay confound me, for I have, or dream 1 have fome 
remains of reafon yet with me. 

If in the fequel I fhould offer fentiments which fhould be proved in¬ 
correct, I rely on the candour of the public to pardon my fault, when X 
make the atonement of an open and public acknowledgment of my error. 
And when Sir, you (hall bring into public view, arguments to fupport 
your affertions, I will hold myfelf in readinefs to anfwer and confute them, 
or will acknowledge that I am your political difciple. In page 4th, we. 



21 


u*.td * v But it is manifeft ever fmee the late Prefident returned from the 
French court, with his head and heart full of the Philofophy of w The 
enlightened nation,” that he has been devoted to France and hoftile to 
England. To account for this we cannot but remark that he is deftitute 
of martial fkill and prowefs, that he expedted France would ioon rule the 
world, and that it would be more fafe and compatible with the feelings of 
fouthern men, who must rule the eaftern ftates, and retain their ilaves, and 
cannot eafily endure much religious connexion, to take feafonable flicker 
under the iprcading wing of the French Eagle. And to effect ail this, 
France mud have money, muft rife and extend her influence far and wide ; 
England mud fall or bow, and the commerce of the eadern dates, and 
the confequent drength of New-England mud be greatly reduced. For 
fo long as Old England and New-England mutually fupport the intered 
of religion and commerce, France and her American adherents cannot 
prevail.” Page 5th, “ Till we have ample evidence that our rulers have 
quitted the fervile project of aiding France by oppreffing our commerce, 
we cannot confider any of their meafures friendly to it”—“ For if our 
rulers had not been wedded to France and hoftile to England, without 
reafon, we might have been condantly employed in exporting and im¬ 
porting the riches of the world to great advantage,” page 6lh, “ Our 
commerce received a mortal wound; becaufe the great Emperor does not 
wifh it to live. He approves the Embargo adts, becaufe lie or his handy 
agent dictated them, and expedls national advantage. The prefent 
wretched ft ate of New-England’s intereft is the very object at which our 
rulers aimed. They have thus far hit the mark.” 

Page 9th, “ For the Embargo was deftgned to prove a diftrefting rath¬ 
er than a faving, falutary meafure. Thofe who put it on meant to keep 
it on, and without pity in their hearts or a tear in their eyes, did all they 
could to make the yoke more and more heavy and grievous by addition¬ 
al weights, till they were abfolutely forced to deftft ; and even then de- 
vifed a different mode of operation to effedl their original purpofe, as we 
have much reafon to fear.” 

Thefe, Sir, are fome of the charges you are pleafed to lay before the 
public againft our late federal adrniniftration, with all the refponfibility 
attached to your charadter, as a man, a citizen, and a Minifter of Chrift. 

It is to be remembered, that a great majority of that adrniniftration 
compofe a large majority of our prefent Ccngrefs ; and that the prefent 
Prefident held the firft and moft important office in the power of Mr. 
Jefferfon to give, and was eledted to the Prefidency, in view of his being of 
the fame political fentiments with Mr. Jefferfon, and heartily concurring 
with him in all his meafures; fo that your charges are as truly made againft 
the prefent Prefident and Congrefs, as the one immediately preceding. • 

Thefe charges imply that our national Government are combined with 
a foreign Power, for the execution of fome uninveftigated project; for the 
accomplifhment of which “ England muft fall or bow,” ieligion be dif- 
carded, and the commerce of the eaftern States and the confequent 
ft length of New-England muft be greatly reduced. That the Embargo 
was for this purpofe. That it was meant for a diftrefting rather than a 
faving falutary meafure. That this diftrefled ftate of New-England 5 s in¬ 
tereft, was the very objedt at which our rulers aimed, and that “ They 
have thus far hit the mark.” 

New, Sir, does not reafon, religion and candour, require the plaineft, 



22 


cleared, and moft unequivocal evidence, before fu'ch weighty, important, 
and criminating charges be publicly made againd the President and 
Congrefs of the United States ? Your criminations would have been 
more happily timed, if our Congrefs had have received the fentence of 
Death for High Treafon, and been in clofe confinement, referved for the 
Scaffold, and you were juftifying the fentence. Not the lead fhadow of 
proof nor the lead cireumdance indicative of their guilt, have you nam¬ 
ed. And furely, I do not feel myfelf under obligations to confront bare 
affertions but with them. Bring forth your drong reaions, they fhall be 
attended to, the public good requires them j it feems we are in jeopardy 
by the treachery of our rulers. 

The Embargo, you fay, was deflgned for a didreflmg rather than a 
faving falutary meafure; that it was on purpofe to deprefs and weaken 
the eadern States; and for this purpofe, that the fouthern men may rule. 
Your language is this, when lpeaking of the fouthern men in page 4th, 
u Who mud rule the eadern States and retain their flaves.” 

Federal gentlemen and federal editors, have made a great outcry about 
the fouthern States having undue influence in the national Government, 
by reafon of Slave, or Negro votes. But gentlemen of your informa¬ 
tion know, if federalids generally do not ; that no aft or refoive can be¬ 
come a law of the United States, without receiving the approbation of 
the Senate, which is compofed of an equal reprefentation from each State, 
fo that the fmailed States, Rhode-Ifland or Delaware, have as great a 
voice in die Senate (through which every law of the U. S. mud pafs) as 
Virginia or any other State. How then are we materially affeded by, 
to ufe a federal term, “ Slave votes ?” And how are the fouthern men 
to rule over the eadern States bv them ? The fouthern States have 
their weight and influence in the Houfe according to their population, 
reckoning flve flaves to be equal to three freemen. The flaves, as they 
augment the- population of the States, do alfo their congreflional Repre- 
fentatives and Eledors for Prefident and Vice-Prefident. But neither 
Virginia,nor either of the larger States has its voice in legiflation accord¬ 
ing to its population, nor in choofmg a Piefident, when it happens to be 
referred to the Houfe of Congrefs for a decifion between different can¬ 
didates, becaufe each reprefentation from the States has but one vote, 
fo that there can, be no more votes than States reprefented. How then 
is there an advantage given the fouthern to rule over the eadern States 
by retaining their Slaves ? 

It is> manifed therefore, that the great cry about Virginia influence and 
fouthern men ruling the eadern States, is totally without foundation. 

The Embargo, yon reprefent, took place without any juft reafon ; but 
to accomplHh two fubordinate ends as means to. fome hidden, unfeen 
“ Chief moti ve of adminidration,” in conformity to the wiflies of the great 
Emperor. Thefe appear to be the ends ; to dedroy religion and reduce 
the New-England States. Page 4th, you fay, “ For fo long as Old-Eng- 
land and New-England mutually fupport the intered of religion and com. 
mere, France and her American adherents cannot prevail,” and page 6th, 
you again fay, “ For if our rulers had not been wedded to France and 
hodile to England, without reafon, we might have been condantly em¬ 
ployed in exporting and importing the riches of the world to great ad¬ 
vantage.” Then you add, page 6th, “ Our commerce received a mortal 
wound, becaufe the great Emperor does not wifh it to live.” 



2d 


You evidently have reference to the Embargo as the mortal wound 
of Our commerce. If there were fufftcient reafons for tlie Embargo, all 
that you have faid concerning it, is without foundation. And * 
there were highly fufficient reafons for it, is apparent from the orders 
England and the decrees of France, affe&ing materially our comrve. 
and navigating the ocean. You acknowledge and aifert, page 14th, ' at, 
“ No fooner were we crowned with independence, than the potent en , 
nations knowing our advantages to rife, attempted to take away th «uf- 
tre of our crown and to leave it naked and bare. ,, This, Sir, is a 
cious confeflion of youis, and is highly worthy of ccnfideraticn i 
prefent political controverly in our land. No fooner were we cro* 
with independence than the envious potent nations attempted to ftrr 
of our crown of independence, and render us dependent on them, 
will do the public an important lervice, ii you will be fo good as tc ell 
them when “ the envious potent nations,” ceafed their attempts to p 
us of our crown of independence. It feems they did notceafe during he 
time of Waihington’s or Adams’ adminiftration, for you fay, page * hi, 
“ By the unremitting exertions of thofe political Fathers of our oua- 
try—the numerous avenues of commerce were kept open.” Th. cmi- 
nexion of your obfervations feems to reprefent that the method the po¬ 
tent nations took to ftrip us of our crown of independence, was, to her 

us dependent on them in our commerce ; but in this under the f < mer 
adminiftrations they were oppofed “ By unremitting exertions.” Did 
thofe potent nations ceafe their attempts to render us dependent on them 
when Mr. Jeiferfon became Prefident ? Surely no ; but there wet re¬ 
doubled attempts both in England and France to ftrip us of our crown 
of independence; fu.ch exertions as Prefident Washington or Addins 
never experienced. 

It was, as if a plaii were concerted by both of thole potent power by 
mutual confent and counfel to ftrip us of our independence. EngLnd 
orders, tliat if we attempt to go to the ports on the eaftem Continent, 
with few exceptions, without calling at one of her ports, paying tril* tte 
and buying a licenfe from lier, our velfel and cargo are a lawful prize. 
France decrees, that every velfel fubmitting to thofe orders, are a lawful 
prize to her. What could our government do in this predicament ? 
Would you have had them fubmit to the arbitrary orders of England, and 
rifk all the Ioffes they might experience from France; and “ Export nd 
import the riches of the world, to and from England alone, as Ihe folely 
might fee fit to dire& ? Would you be willing our Government L. aid 
yield up the cioavn of our independence to fuch unprecedented Orders 
and decrees, which aflume the regulation of the trade of neutral nations? 
In addition to thofe orders and decrees, a Proclamation was then ilfued 
from his Britannic majefty calling home from foreign Nations, all his 
natural born fubje&s, and efpecially feamen, in whatever part of the 
world. And giving the commanding officers of his armed {hips, orders 
by force to take fuch wherever they might be found, notwithftanding any 
letters patent of naturalization. A thing totally unprecedented ; render¬ 
ing the naturalization laws of other nations hull and void. 

Would you, Sir, have vvifhed our rulers patiently to have fubmitted to 
all this ; to thefe redoubled and enforced orders of his majefty ; when 
his marine officers were already in the habit of impreffiing our fellow 
Citizens, and carrying them by force on board their armed velfels, fo as 



to retain thoufands of them, in a more hopeleis than an Algerine bench 
ag* ? Did Wafhington or Adams ever experience aggreffiens in the 
< of their adminiftration as .Iefferfon did in his ? And add the Brit.* 
murder of Pierce, and the attack on the Chefapeake, and the French 
;ning our veffels. At what period of time did thefe “ potent nations” 
ever exert themfelves as if combined for the purpofe of dripping us of our 
Crown of Independence, more than in Mr. Jefferfon’s adminiftration? 
T- T ; '■/ever much thefe nations may be at enmity with each other, in view 
..her obje<fts, for them thus to combine againft our commerce, to ftrip 
.r c; our independence, lay us under a heavy tribute, deprive us of our 
c ' ercial rights, the rights which we have in common with all nations 
ft ;> navigating the Teas, were circumftances rendering the Embargo im, 
r iOiifly necefiary, if we choofe not fervilely to ftibmit, por put ourfelves 
in hoftile attitude againft thofe nations. 

So concerted were the meafurcs of England and France, that what of 
our commerce the caterpillar left, the canker-worm would deftroy. So 
tha. there was highly lufficient and juftifiabic ground for our govern¬ 
ment to lay and enforce the Embargo, till other meafures for our relief 
ftioild be adopted, without imputing to them any criminal motives, for 
the iepreffion of the New-England States in accordance with the wifties 
of the French Emperor. Our foreign relations were a fufticient occafion 
for the Embargo, and all that we have differed in confequence of it, except 
that feditious oppofirion our Rulers have experienced in their falutary 
meafures. So that “ Surely our rowers have” NOT “ brought us into 
deep waters indeed,” or national difficulties ; but it was the rowers of 
England and France, in their hoftile meafures againft us. And our rowers 
or pilots have managed our national Bark, with admirable firmnefs and 
fkil! in the ftorm, and kept it from being broken with the eaft wind, 
notvithftaqding the oppofition they have met with from thoufands on 
board, who have exerted themfelves with all their might to thwart, coun? 
teraff, and render vain the falutary meafures they adopted. The event has 
proved the meafure to be falutary and efficacious. Our “Dignified Re¬ 
tirement” was a defence for our national rights of more efficacy than an 
he. - ved fhips of the line would have been. Never did our nation ap¬ 
pear with more ftrength and dignity than it now does ; and all the “ Na¬ 
tional indignity, fheer difgrace, and intolerable contempt,” attached to it, 
which you fpeak of, arifes from that barefaced, impudent, unblufhing op- 
ppfi tion the meafurcs of our government have met with from our own citi¬ 
zens. Gentlemen perhaps with yop would have had our government fub- 
mitted to the orders of England, if not the decrees of France, and have 
given up our crown of independence, and have “ Been conftantly employed 
in exporting and importing the riches of the world,” to and from England 
alone,or as Ihe in her << pity”might dire£l; and thus live upon our old moth¬ 
er again. Then let us cry ever fo much for folid meat, we fhould receive 
but a box or two on the par and be huftied down to the breaft, in the man? 
ner (lie fhould be pleafed to give it. That gentlemen who have had 
more than thirty years experience in providing for themfelves, and have 
grown rich and lived upon fubftantial food (if they have met with fome 
Eftes) fhould not be weaned from the breaft of their old mother, but han¬ 
ker after it ftill (although Ihe may befomewhat fond of them) is ftrange- 
fy ridiculous. 

Another circuirffiance, which you notice as a fubjeft of lamentation, is 





the impoverifhed (late of the country, page 6th,« What alas is the prefeat 
ft ate of our national treafury l —The fad is that without a dry tax winch 
the people will not endure, the government cannot long be fupported 
with national dignity.” Perhaps, Sir, you have learnt from experience 
under a former adminiftration, that the people made fome objections to 
a dry tax in time of peace ; but' is it belt to tell them they will not en¬ 
dure it, when it fhall become neceflary ? 

W r ith refped to the national Treafury, or its “ empty cheft,” I truft 
Sir, that you have not attended to the official reports made o Congrefs 
every fefiion by the Secretary of the Treafury, giving a ftate oi -i to the 
.exadnefs of a cent ; the different fources from whence the monies were 
received, the various fums expended, in connexion with the objeds for 
which appropriations were made ; with what remained in the Treaf¬ 
ury for the time being ; together with. the profped of revenue for the 
following year—Thefe fhow that when Mr. Jefferfon came into office 
there were then in the Treafury lefs than three millions of dollars. When 
he left the office of Prefident, after defraying the annual expenditures, 
and paying more than thirty millions of the principal of the national 
debt, befides the intereft, there were remaining in the Treafury more than 
fourteen millions of dollars. So that Mr. Jefferfon left the Treafury 
more than eleven million of dollars better than he found it befides di- 
minifhing the public debt, in the principal after paying the intereft, more 
than thirty millions of dollars. All this in eight years adminiftration. 

Which furely affords no great caufe of lamentation, except it be on the 
ground of the federal maxim, that a public debt is a public bleffing. And 
with refped to the corrednefs of thofe reports, I have never heard a word 
of objedion made by any member of Congrefs, not even by thofe able 
Statefmen as you call them, who have fo amply explored the field, and 
developed and expofed “ Some of the hidden motives of adminiftration.” 
But if you be indulged with more correct ftatements, with iefped to the 
fituation of the national Treafury, from fome fecret communications, it 
would be highly defirable that you lay them before the public, if there 
be no confidential circumftance to prevent. Or at leaft, put your finger 
upon thofe reports, and point out their error ; or fhow where money has 
been appropriated not accounted for in them. 

Your bare declaration that millions have been fquandered away in one 
place and millions in another and fmaller fums elfewhere, in thofe gene¬ 
ral terms in which you couch them, is not believed. Let your “ Able 
ftatefmen” point it out, we are ready to hear them. 

But could we rcafife that lots, added to the treafury which you fpeak 
»f as being fuftained by the faving Embargo, we fhould be rich in fad ; 
for page 8th, you fay, “But if a i'mall portion of the intereft we have loft, 
by the faving Embargo, could be appropriated to the conftrudion of a 
navy, we fhould be fafe in our own waters, ftrong.at fea, and refpeded 
by the nations.” But fir, are you corred in this ftatement ? May I not 
take the liberty to fufped that it is rather exaggerated ? Strong, you 
know, is a comparative term, and is viewed in relation to the force in op- 
pofition. For us therefore to be “ ftrong at fea,” we muft be able to cope 
with our enemies ; with the naval force of Great Britain and France. 

We cannot be faid to “ be ftrong at fea,” except we may probably de¬ 
fend ourfelves againft our enemies at fea. Now to (Lengthen us again ft 
the great naval force of England, according to your declaration we only 



26 


need “a fmall portion of the intereft we have loft by the laving embargo* 1 
to “ be appropriated to the conftrwftion of a navy, we Ihould be fafe in 
our wn waters, ftrong at fea, and refpe&ed by the nations.” Small, is 
another comparative term, and furely muft be confidered lefs than half. 
The whole lofs of the Embargo cannot be eftimated with propriety, at 
more than our revenue in the fpace of eighteen months, or the time of its 
continuance, except you would reckon fome loft time of our feamen, and 
time and money fpent in fa&ious meetings and conventions ; but would 
a fmall portion of this, with whatever further addition you may be pleaf- 
ed to make, render us ftrong at fea, to withftand the naval force of the 
Britifh nation, when it now confifts of the labours of France, Spain and 
Denmark, in conjunction with her own, for years, if not centuries ? Your 
calculation is fo exaggerated and chimerical, as to have no weight in the 
mind of any perfon of common confideration. If you had brought into 
your calculation, in addition to that of the embargo, your whole fuppof- 
ed lofs in Mr. Jefferfon’s eight years adminiftration, it would have been 
quite an addition to your contemplated Navy. For you fay, page 9th, 
“ But public meafures, in the courfe of eight years, have deprived us of 
a vaft portion of our intereft, probably, if good judges who have impar¬ 
tially attended to the fubjeCt be correct, to the amount of two hundred 
millions of dollars.” 

Your informants fir, however impartial, are very incorreCh The fad is, 
that in no equal period of time did we as a nation, make fuch advances 
in wealth, as under Mr. Jefferfon’s adminiftration. The official reports 
of the Secretary of the Treafury from year to year, giving a ftate of the 
Treafury, piove this pofttion to be correCh Is it neceffary to repeat, that 
Mr. Jefferf'on found ffiort of three millions of dollars in the Treafury 
when he came into office as Prefident. That he relinquiftied the whole 
fyftem of internal taxation ; this is within the recollection of our young 
men. That he has paid the current expences of government annually, 
that he has difcharged the whole of the intereft of the public debt ; and 
paid more than thirty millions of Dollars of the principal, and left more 
than fourteen millions of Dollars in the Treafury, at the termination of 
his Prefidency. How is it poffible for gentlemen to talk as you do, with 
refpeCl to the ftate of the national Treafury, without pointing out the in- 
corre&nefs of public documents ? And what poffible motive have they in 
view, and what credit can they flatter themfelves they fhall gain in the 
eftimation of the public, who conftantly have their eyes on thofe docu¬ 
ments ? You fpeak of monies’ being fquandered away, Millions in one 
place, and Millions in another, &c. Perhaps you may think with your 
federal brethren that the purchafe money of Louifiana was fquandered 
away for a barren and ufelefs wildernefs. It is deftrable that gentlemen 
fhould be confident. When the depoftt at New-Orleans was withheld, 
your “Wife Statefmen” and federal gentlemen in Congrefs viewed the 
Angle port at New-Orleans of more confequence to the United States, 
than all the feaports north of Bofton ; as being the only outlet to that 
vaft territory bordering on the eaft bank of the Miffifippi; that nature 
and nature’s God had defigned it to belong to the United States. And 
they urged it in Congrefs, immediately to raife an army of fifty thoufand 
and take it by force. Thus would they have gone into a war with Spain, 
and confequently, at that time, with France, only for their chance of gain¬ 
ing New-Orleans. But the wifdom and good policy of the peace-maker 



fignificant of a Child of God, conceived and executed the project of ob- 
twining by fair purchafe, not only the city and depoftt of New-Orleans, 
but that vaftly extended territory weft of the Miffifippi to the Ocean* 
Yet no fooner was it given into the pofteflion of the United States, with* 
out the ftiedding of blood, but with ceremony, parade, and convivity be¬ 
tween the two nations, than it became immediately in the view of federal 
gentlemen an ufelefs barren wildernefs, and the purchafe money fquan- 
dered away. Not to enlarge upon the benefit of that'pnrchafe to the U. 
States, and the fource of wealth the territory (afide the depoftt) will be 
to the public cheft, I am aftonifhed that truth and felf-confiftency ihould 
not forever render federal gentlemen confoundedly afhamed ever to fpeak 
againft it; it muft be becaufe they are beyond blufhing. Confiftency is 
a Diamond. 

Another evil you fpeak of as a matter of lamentation, is, thefuccefs of 
a demoralizing Syftem artfully pra&ifed againft us. You fay, page 10th, 
“ Though the national and political evils produced by the late meafures 
of adminiftration, are great and opprefiive, yet there is another evil more 
to be dreaded and deprecated than all the reft we have mentioned, or can 
be mentioned by men whofe minds are bettei informed. I mean that 
demoralizing, deranging influence, which fo much prevails.” You fay, 
“ Napoleon, no more than Balak in the inftance of Ifrael, was able to 
iubdue America by his firft meafures, though the promifed reward was 
flattering ; yet by a method not very diverfe from what was pra&ifed by 
Balaam the fervile inftrument of the King of Moab, the Emperor has 

been ftrangely fuccefsful.”-What the firft meafures of Napoleon were, 

you have not been fo kind as to fuggeft ; nor what his flattering reward. 

The hiftory you allude to is evidently this, in the moft concife relation 
of it. When the Ifraelites were on their journey from Egypt to Canaan, 
the Prince of Moab called one of his Priefts to curfe Ifrael; not fucceed- 
ing therein, as the Prieft Balaam declared that he could not curfe whom 
God had bleffed. But Balaam, knowing how the God of Ifrael had fe- 
verely, and that repeatedly, punifhed his people for idolatry, advifed Ba¬ 
lak his Prince, to introduce a number of his fair young women into the 
camp of Ifrael, to attract the attention of the men of Ifrael, and then lead 
them on to worfhip the gods of Moab, that IfraePs God might bring a 
curfe upon them. Which ftratagem ftrangely fucceeded, and Ifrael ex¬ 
perienced the curfe. And you fay, “Yet by a method not very diverfe 
from what was pra<5tifed by Balaam—the Emperor has been ftrangely 
fuccefsful.” “ We notice it on this day of humiliation, for a lamenta¬ 
tion, that the morals of the people have been corrupted by public meaf¬ 
ures.” Your illuftration of the ftratagem of Napoleon to corrupt the 
morals of our nation, in a great degree correfponding v r ith that of Ba- 
laam, is contained in the 10th and 11th pages of your Sermons. A con¬ 
cife view of it, is this, according to your reprefentation : The Embargo 
anfwered one ultimate end, to the chief or laft motive which Napoleon 
and adminiftration had in view, to accomplifh their unknown and laft 
motive, (viz.) to corrupt the morals of the people, and this from two cir- 
cumftances as fources of temptations. 1ft, That the Embargo might 
place our merchants and feamen, with difcontent on idle ground, where 
Satan always ftands ready with his temptations to take advantage 
of the favorable pofttion. 2dly, By enacting illegal, unconftitution- 
al and opprelfive laws, to carry the Embargo into effe<ft, that the con- 



fcienctf which Hath riot been accuff omed to trefpafs, may on the account 
of their unconftitutionality and oppreflion, be induced to violate them, 
and thereby grow into a habit of difregarding thofe wholefome laws 
which are ior the good order, peace, and happinefs of fociety. In this 
method you fay “ the Emperor has been ftrangely fuccefsful.” In this 
flratagem for the corruption of the morals of the people, to the intent 
that God may afflict them ; it leems by what you fay, that our late ad- 
ryiinihration was in perfect coincidence with Napoleon, who invented the 
deep laid plan. 

But, Sir, however corre&ly experience may have proved in the courfe 
of events, this effect upon the morals of the people ; I am greatly appre- 
henfrve that your own invention in a pofteriof manner, fyftemized the 
plan. It feems more congenial to a gentleman of your profeffion, or that 
of Balaam, a Pried of Balak, than to a military or political character, 
iuch as Napoleon or Jefferfon. However, if it be not an invention of 
your own, but theirs, it will prove an important truth which, perhaps, 
you may be unwilling to grant, (viz.) that Napoleon and Jefferfon have 
an high fenfe of moral obligation, and the importance of religion and 
morality in theory at lead ; or they would never lay temptations in the 
way of a people to frn, that God might affiiift, punifh, and weaken them. 

Religion, you reprefent as being an object of detedation and dedruction 
for our late adminidration. Page 4th, you fay, “The fouthern men can¬ 
not eafily endure much religious connection—Forfo long as Old England 
and New England mutually fupport the intereft of religion and com¬ 
merce, France and her American adherents cannot prevail.” And you, 
having in view Mr. Jefferfon’s fpeech to Congrefs, fay, “ We have been 
told in a flattering fpecious manner, by a great man , that there was a fur- 
plus of money in the Treafury, which might be expended in repairing 
roads and educating youth.” You add, “ not we prefume in religion.” 

In the 11th and 12th pages you charge Congrefs as a body, with a 
catalogue of crimes, which if known to be true, would create peculiar 
difgud in every feriouS mind. I am not difpofed to fay that our rulers 
are not in common wicked with others ; but that they are not finners a- 
bove all men. I am apprehenfive that it would be difficult in this de¬ 
generate age of the world, to collect fuch a number of men as compofe 
our national Legillature, and have them all really pious, if they were fe- 
leCted from the moft facred flations on earth. I am not infenfiblC, Sir, 
that from the time Mr. JefFerfon was ferioufly confidered a candidate for 
the Prefidency, that religion, Religion , was brought out, tackled, and im¬ 
proved as a political Hobby Horle ; and that t.hofe who have mounted 
him with the trumpet of detraction, defamation, and flander, have carri¬ 
ed the mark of the bead in their forehead. Whether Mr. Jefferfon be a 
man of real piety or an infidel, I know not. I am informed that he is a 
conftant attendant on public worlhip, when in his opinion it is performed 
with decency ; and that he liberally contributes to the fupport of the pub¬ 
lic worlhip of God. I have no evidence of his infidelity in any of his 
writings, nor from any other quarter which fhould fatisfy a candid mind ; 
and I fhall prefume you have not until it be produced. And why Mr. 
Jefferfon fhould be made a mark againft which fhould be levelled all the 
arrows of detraction, perhaps is difficult to fay, unlefs it be his known 
and unalterable attachment to a reprefentative form of civil Government, 
and his able and ^nanfwerable defence of religious libeity ; and expofm£ 




t-he abfurdity of human laws binding and dire&ing the faith of mankind. 
But let his infidelity be granted, (which however lacks proof,) and if it 
ha-; been, or lhall hereafter be a public injury to religion, and vitiate the 
mind of any, it is on the ground of its being known. What infatuated pol¬ 
icy, therefore, could influence any friend of religion and morality, to pro¬ 
claim it upon the houfe-top ; to infill upon it in large public affemblies 
and to publifh it in newfpapers through the Union ? And all this with a 
seal ready to accule thofe of ftupidity who are flow to believe it. But 
for this, how few would have known it, and how fhould thofe who were 
ignorant of it, be injured by it ? Is any man fo ftupid as to think that lie 
lhall make men believers, by telling them that Mr. JefFerfon is an unbe¬ 
liever ? Can any rational perfon perfuade himfelf, that it is a good argu¬ 
ment to make mankind believe a certain propofition, by convincing them 
that Mr. Jelferfon does not believe it ? Is this man, famed in Europe and 
America, as a fcholar, philofopher and civilian, to be made a negative, 
and things to be believed becaufe he difbelieves them ? Mr. Jelferfon, who 
after ferving his country four years in the higheft and moll important 
trull our nation could commit to him, was chofen by them Prefident a 
fecond term, by a vallly increafed majority; and no doubt would have 
been chofen by them again, if he had not declined the important office; 
is he the man above all to be receded from in point of belief ? Dire<5tly 
the reverie the language of reafon declares. This character will have its 
influence where it is known. Gentlemen, theiefore, who have proclaim¬ 
ed the infidel part of it, if any luch there be, may attach all the baleful 
influence of it to themfelves ; and confefs that if they have done it 
with a zeal for Religion, it was a zeal not acccoiding to knowledge, and 
therefore a mark of the beall. 

But Religion is out of the quellion. Thofe gentlemen have had their 
heads and hearts filled with politics, who have flandered public charac¬ 
ters. The practice is totally contrary to the fpirit and policy of chriflianity, 
and never was defigned to anfwer a religious, but a political purpofe. 

Amongfl the fins of Congrels, which you take notice of, page 12th, 
you name this, “ They do not expel duellifts from the floor of Congrefs.” 
I propofe a Ample queftion, Sir, for your folution. Suppofe the late 
Mr. Hamilton were alive and a member cf Congrefs, with his former 
political and moral fentiments, as he was an acknowledged duellifl and 
adulterer; would you and your federal brethren wifh him to be expelled 
from the floor of the Houfe ? According to your fentiment, an affirma¬ 
tive anfwer is correct. Then another queftion follows. How is this fenti¬ 
ment confiftent with the conduct of thofe gentlemen towards his memory ? 
For although Mr. Hamilton fell and died in the adl of duelling ; federal 
gentlemen, with their Minifters, could form a funeral proceffion in honor¬ 
able remembrance of him. And have ftnee in their convivial meetings, 
annually and honorably toafted his memory. And even in Newburyport, 
magiftrates, clergymen, feledlmen, &c. It is hopeful you were not pref- 
ent with them, you will tell them better. Confiftency is precious. 

Page 14th, you fay, “ When the late Prefident came into office, the 
revenue was ample, and the avenues opened by his predeceffors were cal¬ 
culated to continue and increafe it. Walhington and Adams v/ere the 
planters and fowers : but Prefident JefFerfon was the reaper. Adminiftra- 
tion have gathered the rich harveft.” Under the adminiftrations of Wafh- 
ington and Adams, Mr. JefFerfon had his influence in keeping opeu“ The 



30 



numerous avenues of commerce,” and was confidercd oile, if not the' 
foremob of tlieir “ able ftatefmen.” Let it be true that Wadiington and 
Adams were the fowers and planters, as it refpedled the lyllem cl inter-* 
nal taxation ; for it began under Walhington’s adminiftration and was 
greatly extended under Mr. Adams’. So that when Mr.- JefFerfon came 
into office, he found a large field of taxation,"richly fown and planted, 
with a Land tax a Houle tax, a tax on Stamps, Carriages, Refineries* 
Stills, See', But conceiving the fyftem unneGefiary in time of peace, lopped 
it at a llroke ; and all the rich bar veil in view, remained in the hands of 
the people. “ Prefident JefFerfon” therefore “Was”NOT 44 the reaper. Ad** 
miniftration have” NOT “ gathered the rich hafveb.” The numerous 
avenues of commerce were kept open the fird fix and an half years of 
’ Mr. Jeiferforfs adminiftration, to his joy and fatisfaftion. Then to his 
grief they were doled by “ the envious potent nations by the orders of 
England and the decrees of France ; not fo, however, as to impover¬ 
ish us as a nation ; for in page 13th', your language is, “But we aik, 
when did we as a nation obtain the opulence, the vast share of opulence 
which we now possess .” Then in page 14th, you fay, “ We are like a 
naked tree dripped of her leaves and fruit by the froft.” 

I truft, Sir, you will not require me to reconcile thefe pofitions, which 
within the compafs of a few lines place our country, in the fame fenfe, in 
a date of vad opulence and great indigence ! You add, “ And are left 
deditute of national defence, and now lie at the mercy of the potent na¬ 
tions. What they will do with us we cannot tell.” But why Sir, do you 
defpond in writing but a few pages ? Turn back to your 9th page, and 
difmifs your fears ; for there you fay, “ Britain pities us, becaufe die isr 
too elevated and condefcending to blame us. For die knows that a 
few battle drips might eadly batter down and demolidi our feaports, 
and oblige us to fly to the mountains and back woods for fafety. But 
die will not do it, it is not for her intered.” Thus there is no danger' 
it feems, from Britain, one of the potent nations. And what injury can 
we receive from France, as long as “ Britain pities us, becaufe die is too- 
elevated and condefcending to blame us,” and it is not for her intered to 
injure us in our feaports. Then furely we have the pity, condefcenfion, 
and intered of Britain for our protection, which* no doubt, would put in 
aCtion her naval force for our defence. Let us be condefcending alfo, 
trud our protection to Britain, and cad our fears behind us. 

In page 6th, you fay, “ The French legions have not yet eroded the 
ocean ; though I believe the late Prefident expedled to realize their af- 
fidance before the expiration of his eight years refidence in the capital,” 
« We have one of their generals only with us.” Perhaps you have refer¬ 
ence to Moreau, as one of their generals, who has ded for his life, from the 
prefence and power of the persecuting Emperor. This is timely notice ! 

I recoiled! that in the days of the ocean madacre, tub-plot, and Tay- 
lor-plot, there was a talk about a French army’s coming here. But I 
fuppofed them all dying dories, fent out to prevent Mr. Jefferfon from 
being eledted to the Prebdeiujy. And fince that, I have heard nothing 
about the French Army ; but fuppofed the dory pretty much forgotten ; 
yet it feems you keep it up in your Sermons. I guefs, Sir, however, 
the late Prefident has given over his profpedt of receiving a French ar¬ 
my to his abidance, for the accompliiliment of that univedigated, un¬ 
defendable “ chief motive of adminiftration.” He mud view it as an un- 



31 


timely birth, which is forbidden to fee the light ; or probably he ‘would 
not have declined being again confidered a candidate for the Prefidency, 
with fo fair and certain a profpect as that lie had of luccefs. But how 
did the late Prefident imagine the “ French legions” would have crofted 
toe ocean ? rle has for a long time been apprized of the deftrueftion 
of the French Navy. The Emperor hath not a Navy fufficient to 
tranfport any confiderable number of his legions. And befides this, 
it would be difficult for him to heal a march upon England who “ pities 
us ; ’ her vigilant eye would dete6t him, and her ftrength make him a 
prey. Did the Prefident, “ being deftitute of martial {kill and prowefs,” 
imagine thofe “ French legions” would crofs the ocean in a tirm well 
conitrufted auvballoon, fufficient to bring their baggage and provifion$ 
by the way, their cavalry and artillery i But perhaps the Preiident ex- 
pedted to fupply thole Legions on their arrival, with ammunition, caval¬ 
ry, artillery, See. which would greatly lighten their -aerial voyage. 

However, Sir, I confidently expe&, all circumftances confidered, the 
late Prefident by this time, has totally relinquilhed all expedition of the 
arrival of -any French legions to his ailiftance ; fo that the hearts of the 
people may be at red, and they difmifs their fears. 

In this connexion I cannot but remember your heart-felt lamentation 
over children and pofterity $ feeing there are fo many infuperable diffi¬ 
culties in the way of Napoleon’s and Mr. JefFerfon’s purpofes, and the 
accomplilhment of the “ chief motive of adminifixation.” 

It is thought your addrefs to pofterity, in page 16th, whether your 
objedf were to delineate the truth, or fright women and children, would 
have been as applicable in the following form, with a variation only 
of your objedl of terror. “ O children and pofterity ! we cannot but 
weep when we remember that we had almoft left you {laves and ruined 
you by our fins. Think of it a moment, what would be the ftate of the 
Church, if the nation were now actually under the dire<Stion” of thofe 
butchering lavage tribes, who are the inhabitants of the newly purchafed, 
iifelefs and barren wildernefs ; who are ready “ to fbak the earth with 
the blood of hall the human race, rather than not” retain their hunting 
ground. Their “ ambition has p.o limits under the fun. Men are of no 
value in” their “ view while thirfting for” revenge. 

They are awful creatures, of a fable complexion, a ftender agile ftat- 
«re. They have a fmall black eye, indicative of caution and revenge. 
They are half clothed ; armed with tomahawks and fealping knives 
which Mr. Jefferfon has provided for them with money out of the pub¬ 
lic cheft ; the appropriation of which was granted by Congrefs for the 
very purpole of butchering you. Thefe monfters of the wildernefs are 
clothed from the knee and downwards, with red, blue or green fpatter- 
dailies, all befpangled with variegated colors of wampum, and in a ter¬ 
rific manner adorned with little glafs beads of every hue, and Porcupine- 
Quills. “Do you believe it my hearers, that adminiftration have pledg¬ 
ed their love, their confidence, to” thofe bloody monfters ? “Do you be¬ 
lieve, whatever be the cafe now, that the nation was on the point of going 
directly into” their “ hands, whofe tender mercies are cruel ? Do you alio 
believe that God has been fo angry with the nation, that he was about to 
make” thefe “ emiftaries of darknefs the dreadful inftrument in his hand, 
to punifti the rulers and the people for the fins committed againft h’s la- 



32 


cred majefty ? You need not difficlieve. An affirmative anftver mull be 
corred, however humiliating.” 

Page 11th, you obferve, “ In a word, while our rulers evidently mean 
to deprive Federalifts, who are certainly the moll valuable members of 
fociety on many accounts, of any leading influence in national govern¬ 
ment.” If, fir, you fhould polTefs a little partiality towards the Federal- 
ills, it might eafily be accounted for, as we are always inclined to tfiink 
favourably of our own. This was the fentiment the tories poffelfed to¬ 
wards their party in the time of our revolutionary contell with England. 
This alfo was the fentiment the Pharifees, who were rejecters of Chrift, 
felt towards their party, when God was manifell in the flelh : they faid, 
Have any of the rulers or of the Pharifees believed on him ? But this people 
who knoweth hot the law are curfed. I wifh to make no invidious com¬ 
panion between the valuabjenefs of Federalifts and Republicans to fociety. 
Federalifts may boail of having on their part, the remains of the ancient 
Tories, and their Ions principally, many merchants and lawyers with their 
dependants ; together with Britilh emiftaiies, idle Bank hawkers and fpe- 
culatois : and, I am lorry to concede, their proportion of Minifters. 

You fpeak of the former admiuiftration as being a faction, and with 
the fame propriety you may thus term the prefent, as they moftly are the 
fame men, holding their offices in the fame manner. When fpeaking of 
Walhtngton and Adams, in page 14th, you fay, “ While fupported by 
able ftatefmen, in oppolition to a growingfadion.” In page 14, “Has 
the JefFerfonian faction alone done all this ?” Page 14, “ By a few fac¬ 
tious, partial men.” With what propriety of language or thought do 
you call the legitimate government of the United States a “ fad ion ?” 
This term is always fignilicapt of a difeontented minority, ufing unlaw¬ 
ful means to fow difeord in fociety. For you to call the government of 
the United States, and that great majority of the people, who conftitu- 
tionally chofe them to office, with a unanimity of ejght in ten, if not 
eighteen in twenty, a “ fadion,” is truly furprifing. That the govern¬ 
ment was fupported by the people, you grant. Page 15th, “ If we had 
not, both djreddy and indiredly, concurred as towns and aiftrids with 
the fouthern fpirit, what could that fadion liave effeded which has 
taken the lead of the nation ?” And page 16th, “While we'impeach 
thofe political offenders at the head of the nation, let us not pafs filently 
by the body of the nation which fupports the head.” 

Here it feems, according to your ideas of things, the head and body 
of the nation are a fadion. And why, is it becauie you and a few others, 
in your own yie>v, are of more confequence than “ the body of the na¬ 
tion ?” This is charaderiftic of your fermons in general. Who can a- 
gree with you in fentiment? Dq foreign nations believe the head and 
body of this to be a fadion, and with this view have they been treating 
with us for eight years paft, and have a profped of doing it for at leaft 
four years to come ? I pity your children in view of that chagrin they 
will experience in reading your fermons, when we (hall be no more. 

With regard to that ftale, but prominent fentiment contained in your 
fermons, that the late adminiftration poifeffed a fpirit of partiality in fa¬ 
vour of France and hbftility to England ; I do not think it necelfary to 
quote much of your language expreffive of it. Page 4th, you, fpeaking 
of the late Prefidcnt fry, “ he has been devoted to France and hoftile t<x 
England.” And page 13th, But we ask, when did we as a nation ob* 



luin the opulence, the vaft Hi are of opulence, which we now po fiefs, and 
the millions we have loft by our ruling attachment to France and hoftili. 
ty to England ?” 

How much devotion the former Prefident and Congrefs may have fe- 
cretly Chcriftied in their hearts to France, and what hoftility towards 
England, I cannot lay. But for evidence of any ruling attachment to 
pne nation and hoftility to the other, we muft look at the public debates 
and acts of that Congrefs. In doing this we find in no inftance, any law 
palfed in the time of Mr. Jefrcrfon’s adminiftration, in the leaft indica¬ 
tive of any partial devotion to France ; nor is there an inftance where 
any member oi Congrefs plead for, excufed or palliated any injury they 
had done us. Nor in any inftance was the late adminiftration hoftileto 
England, except you fhould be pleafed fo to confider the interdiction of 
their armed veffels in our waters, in confequence of their murder of 
pierce, and their attack on the Chefapeake. And if you fo confider the 
inhibition, remember that thefe enormities are viewed as a juft ground 
for actual hoftilities againft England. So that if our late adminiftration 
had had the lead defire to have commenced a war with England, they 
had fufncient reafon for it; and fuch as would have excited the appro¬ 
bation and fupport of the great body of our fellow-citizens, in conjunc¬ 
tion with the approbation of all foreign nations. Where, Sir, do you 
find ground for charging our nation with partiality towards France, 
when the contrary is acknowledged by the Britilh Parliament, when you. 
can point to no law of our late adminiftration indicative of it; when no 
member of Congress palliates their aggreffions; when no newfpaper in 
the Union pleads their caufe, and no individual in the ftreets is venting 
y. iigh in their favour ? But with refpeCt to England, we have Congrefs 
men loudly proclaiming that fhe has done us no elfential injury ; newf- 
papers juftifying her in all her aggreflions ; Min ifters vociferating her 
clemency and pity towards us. Mark the contrail! 

Speaking of Wafliington you fay, page 9th, “ He knew Virginia, 
and gave us needful counfel, in what manner to efcape approaching 
danger and national ruin.” Is it poftible, Dr. that you would be willing 
ko inllil the fentiments contained in this fentence, in the minds of your 
‘‘ mixed aflemb’ly,” and of the public, if it were in your power fo to do ? 
Tire fentiment is, that Walhington knowing Virginia to polfefs fome 
evil quality, or circumftance dangerous to our national profperity “ gave 
ps needful counfel in what manner to efcape approaching danger and 
national ruin.” 

You certainly could not mean to convey this idea. If you did, 
where is it found ? It is not found in his valedictory addrefs, nor in any 
of his writings which have yet come to public view. Did he point out 
what his knowledge of Virginia difeovered in them, fo dangerous to our 
profperity and tending to national ruin ? Did he fee in Virginia a great 
partiality for France, and a treafonable combination forming with the 
Emperor ; and therefore, “ Give us needful counfel.” Or did he dift 
cover in the Virginians an haughty fpirit of domination ; and on that 
account “ Give us needful counfel ?” Or did he fee in them a lavifh 
prodigal aifpofition, and influenced thereby, “ give us needful counfel;” 
left they fhould fquander away the public money, millions in one place 
and millions in another ? Why have the people never heard of the 'ighty 
•younfel of the departed hero ; on thefe, or fome other quality predicable. 



54 


iolely of Virginia, tending to national ruin, and "have been on their 
guard ? It is believed there is no fuch thing in exiftence, as Wafhington’s 
giving “ us needful counfel in what manner to efcape approaching dan¬ 
ger and national ruin/’ merely from his knowledge of Virginia. But as 
Virginia is one of the moft important States in the Union, as to popula¬ 
tion and wealth, the moft candid interpretation of your declaration, that 
.1 can think of, is, that you made ufe of Virginia in a fynedoche, a part, 
or one State taken, or mentioned for the whole. Then the fair meaning 
of your declaration is, that Wafhington knew not only Virginia, but 
Maflachufetts and -all the States generally, and gave us needful counfel 
how to efcape approaching danger and national ruin. If this, Sir, be 
your meaning, it is contained in Wafhington’s valedictory addrefs. He 
was not unapprehenfive that evil might arife from turbulent, difcontented, 
ambitious and factious fpirits, in whatever part of the Union they might 
exift. And with an accuracy, equal to the fpirit cf ancient prophefy, 
hath he warned and counfelled us of what we have recently experienced 
in this Commonwealth; and defcribed in what you call, in page 7th, 
“ The numerous legal meetings and conventions of the~people, which 
have proved abfolutely requifite to put a check at leaft, to the daring 
ftrides of adminiftration ” This is your language ; but that of Wafhing¬ 
ton in oppofition is, “ All obftruCtions to the execution of the laws, all 
combinations and aftociations., under whatever plaufible charader, with, 
the real defign to direCt, controul, counteraft, or awe the regular delibera¬ 
tion and aCtion of the conftituted authorities, are deftruCtive to the Con- 
ftitution, and of fatal tendency.’’ It was not only the real defign of your 
numerous meetings and conventions to counteract and controul the confti¬ 
tuted authorities ; but they have, you fay, “ Put a check at leaft to the dar¬ 
ing ftrides of adminiftration.” Thus are you and your meetings and con¬ 
ventions at variance with Waftiington; and fo plainly does he condemn 
your conduct, as deftruCtive to the Conftitution, and of fatal tendency. 
Will not modefty hereafter forever prevent you and your factious party, 
from confidering yourfelves the political followers of Waftiington ? 

But whether you will concede to the judgment of the venerable Wafh- 
ington or not, with refpeCt to the fatal tendency and deftruCtive confe- 
quences of the numerous meetings and conventions, which have “ Put a 
check at leaft to the daring ftrides of adminiftration,” I will indulge 
myfelf in a few obfervations in regard to the tendency of your Sermons. 

lft. They have a tendency, and are well calculated, fo far as they gain 
ciedence,to alienate the affections of the norther n from the fouthem States j 
to deftroy confidence, create jealoufy, and diflolve the band of Union. 

2d. They are calculated to make the New-England States feel that it 
would be much better for them, to have no connection with the fouthern 
men, who, you fay, muft rule ; and to cleave to England, for you afiert, 
“ While Old England and New-England mutually fupport religion and 
commerce, France and her American adherents cannot prevail.” 

3d. Your Sermons are well adapted to keep the public mind in an a- 
3arm and agitation ; as if to weary the people out of their choice of a re- 
prefentative form of government, and prepare them for a Monarchy; 
and confequently a union of Church and State. 

4th. Your Sermons are calculated, as if adapted for the purpofe of ex¬ 
citing the people not only to violate the laws of the land ; but to rife in 
arms, in rebellion againft: our national government. You explicitly de- 



iterance fome of our national laws as being unjuft and opprefllve, and in 
page 11th, that “ thofe ought not to be obeyed.” To fay to the people, 
that certain laws ought not to be obeyed, is the lame as to tell them they 
ought not to obey them. You have reference to unjuft, unconftitutional 
laws ; but how lhall they be known to be fuch, except you or fome other 
perfon be confulted ? This is giving the people to the wind. 

You, fpeaking of that portion of men which was raifed and organized, 
and ftood ready for any emergency when called for, obferve, page 7th 
and 8th, “ It was the feafonable exertion of the people, which prevented 
the railing and organization of thofe armies, which were intended to ftill 
us by thelword and the lofs of blood.” Then, as if fome wonderful de¬ 
liverance had been experienced, you add, “ Blefted be God, we do not fee 
them, and were they now organized, they could not be quartered in New 
England. We have no room for their tents.” “ The land will not hold 
them.” This language is truly aftonifhing, Dodlor. The men of whom 
you fpeak, were principally if not wholly organized. And dare you fay 
that if thefe men had been called to take their ftand in New-England, for 
the execution of the laws of the land, or for the defence of our national 
rights, that “we have no room for their tents” ? And in language like this, 
call the people to refill by the force of arms ? This is afking the people 
in loud and intelligible language to rife in arms, in rebellion, againft our 
conftituted authority! But I believe. Sir, you muft call oftener, and with 
more energy, before you will get out a Dog to move his tongue againft 
our lawful authority. The yeomanry in the New-England States , who 
are now in the habit of bearing arms, would foon find, if there were any 
occafion for it, ample room for any tents our government might need, for 
the prompt execution of our laws, or the defence of our national rights. 

5thly, Your Sermons have a tendency to deftroy religion and moral¬ 
ity. They keep up the old tune of Jefferfon and infidelity ; which has 
been fung by federalifts not only in newfpapers, but in large public af- 
femblies ; not to augment the fpirit of devotion in any ; but to quench it 
in thoufands. This has been a greater detriment to religion among us, 
than the Age of Reafon, and all other deiftical writings. Publications 
of the tenor of your Sermons degrade and weaken the influence of the 
chriftian miniftry. The people feel that fuch publications are pleading 
the caufe of England in all her aggreftions againft the rights of this country. 
And when things fo palpably untrue, and inconfiftent are handed to them 
from the pulpit and the prefs, it genders a diftruft of their veracity and 
honefty as men ; and proportionably diminiflies their reverence and ref- 
pe<ft for their perfons, and confequently for the religion they preach. 
When minifters are difpofed to come forward and traverfe the political 
field, and condemn thofe public meafures which are approved by a vaft 
majority of the nation, and criminate and flander our rulers, they will 
be confronted by thoufands of the yeomanry, who know as much 
about public men and meafures as they do. This has deftroyed the in¬ 
fluence of minifters in this Commonwealth more than all their other im- 
prudencies. What imprefiion muft your Sermons have on the prefent and 
future generations, when they contain fuch high and criminating charges 
againft our rulers, without clear and condemning evidence, fuch as fhall 
fink and remove them forever as traitors, in the eftimation of the people. 
Your Sermons are calculated to lead forward the rifing generation, 
not only in the paths of flander and defamation generally, but embolden 


4 

Vj X 

56 X*' 

tkem to fpeak evil of dignities* and to curfe the rulers of God's people. 
What influence muft they have upon tender and forming minds, wh^n 
they read them proceeding as they do, from one to whom they are ac- 
cuftomed to look up, as to their fpiritual Father, and dire&or to eternal 
life ? And not only.the young ; but thole who are more' advanced in 
years; how ready are they to catch and pra&ice an example congenial to 
ilyeir corrupt hearfs, when they have a precedent which they are not a- 
Ihamed to name ? What perplexity and wonder will after generations.ex- 
perience, when they ffiall read the higheft criminating charges againfl our 
rulers, we living under a periodical ele&ive Government, and nothing in 
the hiftory of our nation to fubftamiate any juft ground for them ; but ev¬ 
ery thing to the contrary ? Such publications have a tendency to deftrey 
ieprefentative governments in this and future ages. And if Reprefentutive, 
or Republican Governments muft let pafs with impunity, fueh unbound- 
♦ edly inflammatory, feditious, treafonable, and falfe publications, to the 
difturbance of fociety, and the corruption of the morals of mankind, no 
matter how foon they are annihilated from the earth. I would lift tip 
both hands for it, and fay of Wafhington and Franklin, and a hoft of He¬ 
roes and Statefmen who achieved our Independence, and formed our Con- 
ftitutions of Government, that they were a&uated by a fpirit of Idiotifm. 

I am not unawares, Sir, that the publication of this letter may caufe 
unpleafant things to be faid of me, by thofe who are accuftomed to fub- 
ftitute them for argument; but as feme of my brethren preach and pub- 
lifti fuch things as your Sermons contain; I think I may be indulged in 
taking notice of them in a manner, not to difturb mixed worfhipping a& 
femblies of God’s people. I am determined not to take notice of any an¬ 
onymous publication, or newfpaper paragraphs. 

I am Rev. Sir, with due refpeft, your humble Servant, 

SOLOMON AIKEN. 

Rev. S. Spring, D.D. Newburyport. 


Dracutt, July IT, 1809. 



























































































































































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